The Nanputuo Meeting

摘要

According to Guo Wengui, as stated in his exposé livestreams around September 2017 (including the September 24 special) and again in 2019 broadcasts, the “Nanputuo Meeting” was a top-secret conclave held before the CCP’s 18th Party Congress at the Putuo temple complex of Zhoushan by Jiang Zemin — in a January 2022 livestream he clarified expressly: “I mean the Putuo of Zhoushan, not the Putuo of Fujian” (i.e., not Xiamen’s famous Nanputuo temple) —, Jiang Mianheng and Meng Jianzhu among others; the schemes it produced — which he collectively calls the “Nanputuo Plan” — amount to plans to “steal the state, control the state, and regent the state” (盗国·控国·监国).

Among the plots he attributes to the meeting is the death of Ling Gu, son of Ling Jihua — a death he calls “the joint design of a sitting Politburo Standing Committee member and a former one,” adding that officials such as Ma Jian and Zhang Yue were arrested precisely because they “knew how Ling Gu died.”

The power arrangement: by his account, the meeting’s personnel design was to let Xi Jinping “sit temporarily for one term,” after which the Jiang faction (the Wang Qishan line) would install its own man — Wang Qishan as the chief behind-the-scenes operator (a “regent” role), Meng Jianzhu and Sun Lijun as executors, with the Jiang family controlling from behind; Xi’s later constitutional amendment and indefinite rule, he says, “deformed” the plan and wrong-footed the Jiang faction.

“One Deity, One Religion, One Party”: he describes the plan’s ideological core as first suppressing religion (including, in his telling, challenging the First Commandment), then erecting “one deity, one religion, one party” — the leader deified as the “core”; a “Xi-religion / Party-religion” replacing all other faiths; and one-party dictatorship consolidated. His words in a January 2019 livestream: “The Nanputuo [plan] said it very clearly — first suppress religion; China shall erect one deity, one religion, one party … the ‘deity’ is not the one you Jiang family groomed, it is I, Xi … the ‘religion,’ sorry, is the Xi-religion — it is me, I am the god.”

In his telling, the plan’s core methods and execution further include:

• Kidnap-style leverage — “taking down the (groomed) leader’s family members and inner circle one by one, seizing small handles on them,” so the top leader “dare not touch” the entrenched interest bloc; he calls this the “Blue-Gold-Yellow” applied to the top leader’s family, a “kidnapping plan”;
• The political-legal chain — Meng Jianzhu, “chosen by the Jiang family,” executed the plan while commanding some 4.6 million police, procuratorate, court and armed-police personnel — controlling everything “from arrest and investigation to trial, prosecution, sentencing, custody and parole,” with a double monopoly on information and evidence;
• Concrete operations — he lists the “709” mass arrests of rights lawyers and the Hong Kong abduction of Xiao Jianhua as parts of the plan to “kidnap, threaten, seize information and take control of overseas intelligence networks,” naming Sun Lijun and Fu Zhenghua as executors; he cites the September 2008 restructuring of “Jiangxi Tongye” equity as an example of its commercial vehicles;
• Claimed recordings — in June 2019 he said “the Pandora’s Box and the Nanputuo speeches decided the fate of the Chinese people,” foretelling that the full picture would emerge “when I release the Nanputuo recordings.”

He further claims that Xi Jinping later turned the meeting’s own “the Party’s cause requires centralized authority” script into reality — consolidating personal power and outmaneuvering the Jiang faction. The “Nanputuo Plan” remains a long-running reference in New Federal State of China narratives — the NFSC second-anniversary retrospective called 2021 “the harvest year of the Nanputuo Plan.”